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  • . That's exactly what that occurred about. The guy that they were supposed to appoint was a gentleman here in Corpus Christi by the name of Luther Jones, supposed to appoint him a district judge. A: Is that our current mayor, Archie? LBJ Presidential
  • Martin Luther King and George Wallace and so on. I think we had to decide whether or not, one, you want to stay in Congress under the circumstances and try to do whatever you can, or whether you want to join one side or the other and just admit defeat
  • . The President was starting to get beat up in the press on credibility, and he was--as you can even see there, with all we're doing for blacks, there was no way to do enough fast enough. You had Martin Luther King wondering whether the message is strong enough
  • think he really meant it. I remember his voice quavering a little as he said it, and it took a lot of courage to say it because of all the overtones of Martin Luther King and everything else that was behind that in the whole movement in the South. I
  • Hesburgh, Theodore Martin, 1917-2015
  • Humphrey and Reuther were talking to Martin Luther King and the Freedom people. Reuther told me what the offer was. That's how I learned what the offer was going to be when Fritz Mondale reported to the Committee. Walter told me what it was. and I
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • . Martin Luther King; Henry, Moses; Humphrey’s interest in the 1968 Presidency; LBJ’s decision on whether or not to run for re-election in 1968.
  • anything, but he told me. And said among Roy Wilkins, Martin Luther King, and Whitney Young and James Farmer; he said that Roy Wilkins was his favorite. G: Did you meet those civil rights leaders when they came to the White House? W: Yes. He sent me
  • on for years in his voice. First of all, I and many other people fought--and we fought, I'll have to say, and I'll say this frankly for history--that Martin Luther King, after he had agreed to come out for the first time against the war in Vietnam and take part
  • , and then the conversation, I remember, turned to Martin Luther King. It turned to what one has to do in this country to be a leader, the principle of leadership, the qualities of a leader--leader of a movement, leader of a party. The President I know went on at some length
  • The Sequoia; LBJ's assessment of Nixon; LBJ's comments on Martin Luther King; working on a tax surcharge speech on the Sequoia; staff members wanting access to the Sequoia for personal use; Camp David; visiting the Ranch; LBJ's office at the Ranch
  • figure that he was. He crune into public life as [Joseph] McCarthy's counsel and then he was [John] McClellan's counsel and then he tapped Martin Luther King's telephone wire. I said, "Piss on Mennen Williams." He said, "You know they'll embarrass you
  • some cooling effect on city problems. G: Earlier in this interview I asked you about the impact of the Vietnam War, particularly in terms of OEO expenditures and the budget. In April of 1967 Martin Luther King in a speech--critical speech in terms
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • I'm not so sure that there was any concerted effort by the clergy and so on. You had Martin Luther King and the March on Washington. You had the black clergy involved in that and so on and so forth, and certainly that had its mark on the times. But I'm
  • than a casual interest in this? C: What happened was, in June of 1963 I led the first freedom march with Martin Luther King here in Detroit. big freedom march in the fall of 1963. was still alive there. That was prior to the Of course President
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • leadership away from Martin Luther King. When he succeeded in doing that, King went out the next day and led a march over the bridge and beyond the line that Judge Johnson had said they could not transgress within the limits of the court order. King called us
  • Luther King's assassination? M: No, we certainly did not anticipate that. We anticipated problems because the Poor People's Campaign had been announced, but that wasn't scheduled for another several weeks. What happened after the Dr. King killing
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • understand. The reason Abernathy does not move into that camp is that we're afraid he'll be assassinated, too." That's the kind of unity that they had, and that made it very difficult. I feel that if Martin Luther King had lived, things would have gone
  • York Puerto Ricans on the grounds of the Washington Monument; SCLC lawyers Frank Reeves and Leroy Clarke; Coretta Scott King; Walter Washington's response to Martin Luther King's death; Ramsey Clark, Stephen Pollak, Fred Vinson, Jr., Matthew Nimetz
  • in the Cabinet Room. This was a meeting on the morning after Dr. [Martin Luther] King's assassination, to which the President had invited maybe ten or fifteen Negro leaders. The purpose of the meeting, I think, was to discuss with them what they saw as the likely
  • McGiffert's career from 1953 to 1965; how McGiffert got into government work and promotion opportunities under Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara; meetings with LBJ, including one after the assassination of Martin Luther King; McGiffert's contact
  • wouldn't bother them . You know, somebody told me something once about Martin Luther King ; a fellow who was a friend of his said Martin was a revolutionary, that he scared people to death because he acted as if he thought the Constitution meant what
  • Wilkins [of the NAACP]; Mr. Whitney Young, Jr., National Director of the National Urban League; Walter Reuther, President of the UAW;-- B: Would Dr. King have been there? R: Dr. [Martin Luther] King, Jr., was there, and a number of others--I don't
  • civil rights leaders, play in this planning session? F: Well, in a sense, to start with the negative of that, the other no-person at the conference was Martin Luther King, Jr. Martin was in very bad odor with the President at that time, because of his
  • groups; Martin Luther King Jr.'s lack of involvement in the conference; A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin's alternate "freedom" budget; involvement of major civil rights organizations and leaders in the conference; recommendations that came out
  • of the situation, political and military, of the Vietnamese after Tet, how they had reacted and what measures they had taken to reform and speed up the training process. That was a time when Washington was under curfew. You remember the riots, Martin Luther King
  • , some minimal involvement by what we called Slick, the Southern Christian Leadership [Conference]. That was a tease way of talking about Martin Luther King's organization. Their organization hated it and that's what we called them. But those four groups
  • , memo from O'Brien to LBJ regarding the Democratic National Committee's efforts and COPE's voter registration program; Louis Martin distributing funds to a get-out-the-vote program aimed at minorities and secrecy surrounding this project; Louis Martin's
  • Luther King? Were you involved in that from the beginning, that is, from the moment of the assassination, the investigation and so on? V: Yes, there were two divisions here that were involved really. Division and the Civil Rights Division
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • . U: Let me go back to the events at the end of the Johnson administration, just to get your reflections on a couple of things. 1968 was called by Lyndon Johnson "the nightmare year." Of course, we had the assassinations of Martin Luther King
  • of the army when we had the March on Washington with [Martin Luther] King and I don't have a sense of planting FBI agents, planting army intelligence people, getting nuns and priests to get into the march to keep it peaceful. My real sense, which we talked
  • . C: He did, which is a great idea. Classic Johnson move. Have you got it? Fogarty had just died. He had just died and he was very big in our health programs. Martin Luther King reacted, and made some public statement or something on the wire in which
  • policy had to do with the failure to bite the bullet. You were trying to achieve an objective without the commitment. G: Martin Luther King became more active in opposition to the war. O: That certainly was a contributing factor to the escalation
  • to Martin Luther King, Jr.'s anti-Vietnam movement; LBJ's dedication to civil rights; LBJ's request that O'Brien go to South Vietnam to organize their election; Birch Bayh's opposition to Rutherford Poats' nomination as deputy administrator of the Agency
  • to the Johnson Administration. It didn't happen that he picked people who were loyal. All the leaders in the movement were loyal except Martin [Luther King], who was off on a tangent about the Vietnam War, but he was able to be lassoed in because of his respect
  • witness a talk between him and Martin Luther King? J: I didn't personally, no. F: Did he ever talk to you about his relationship with King? 9 LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral
  • that Martin Luther King had been assassinated. You know, it struck a terrible note. The dinner was immediately adjourned. The President, of course, never came. I rushed back to the White House and there were four or five of us with the 8 LBJ Presidential
  • ; negotiations with Israel over Phanton jets; Russian relations; rioting and the aftermath of Martin Luther King’s assassination; the possibility of a presidential draft; Chicago Mayor Richard Daley; neutrality among LBJ’s staff members; Humphrey’s campaign
  • , as I called him. G: What did they talk about when they were together? N: State of the nation. State of the economy. Ed Weisl always used to be like a--well, we called him Eddie the Wise because he was like a patriarch adviser to the kings
  • . G: Were you involved in any of the activities in the wake of Martin Luther King's assassination? O: No. G: Where were you at the time you learned the news? O: I had to be in Washington. That was April 4. That was prior to my resignation
  • Schnittker -- II -- 6 This issue coincided with the Martin Luther King assassination, the Poor People's March, and the civil rights acceleration of 1967 and 1968. Much of the Poor People's March, a very large part of its agenda, was "more food for more people
  • in the spring and summer of 1967 and 1968, particularly the one here following the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King? Did you have any relationship with the White House on this? K: No, not really. F: Let's shift to foreign affairs. You made a trip
  • possibly introduced him. G: Yes. P: He was working for Congressman--King Ranch, South Texas. G: Yes. P: K1eberg. G: Well, did you have much contact with Johnson before you worked in that Richard K1eberg. That's right. campaign, the 1934 campaign
  • /loh/oh Alexander -- III -- 7 F: I remember the Nat King Cole fiasco. A: I don't think his show lasted six months--again, with someone as prominent as he was. F: One of the cliches is that entertainment and sports are a road to o p p o r t u n
  • , particularly Louis Martin, people like that, which is a general feel-out, as they do in these situations. B: There has been some talk that perhaps Mrs. Johnson was your strongest recommender. W: I would say this, that I got to know Mrs. Johnson better than
  • like to talk about a couple of national matters which were occurring at about this time. Some time, I believe in April, I received a phone call from Martin Litton, the travel editor of Sunset magazine, and himself an extremely ardent conservationist