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  • friendly relationship with Dr. King's father. I knew Dr. King personally, but I didn't have any great intimate relationship there. I was in the President's office the night that Dr. Martin Luther King was assassinated. I was sitting there with him
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • ; LBJ’s efforts in Vietnam; Martin Luther King’s assassination; working on the Commission for Federal-State Relations; LBJ inheriting JFK’s staff; being offered a federal appointment; LBJ deciding not to run in 1968; LBJ’s relationship with Robert Kennedy
  • to a vote, but generally speaking I think he would have stayed with the administration. He would have defended it. G: Four or five days after this announcement, the March 31 speech that LBJ would not run, you have the assassination of Martin Luther King
  • involving Vietnam; the riots in Washington, D.C., following Martin Luther King, Jr.'s death; Robert F. Kennedy's death and his personality; Abe Fortas' nomination as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; the 1968 presidential election; George Wallace's
  • talked to them about this job, things were in a pretty static and steady state, and they looked like they would go on that way for a long time. King were alive. Bobby Kennedy and Martin Luther Student unrest had not really started. It was a very
  • . That's exactly what that occurred about. The guy that they were supposed to appoint was a gentleman here in Corpus Christi by the name of Luther Jones, supposed to appoint him a district judge. A: Is that our current mayor, Archie? LBJ Presidential
  • to the Library Mrs. Martin Luther King, Jr,, and her sister-in-law, Mrs. Christine King Farris, visited the Library to prepare for the tablishment of a Study Center ho~ing the papers of the slain Civil Rights leader in Atlanta. Here they confer with Chief
  • Martin Luther King and George Wallace and so on. I think we had to decide whether or not, one, you want to stay in Congress under the circumstances and try to do whatever you can, or whether you want to join one side or the other and just admit defeat
  • . The President was starting to get beat up in the press on credibility, and he was--as you can even see there, with all we're doing for blacks, there was no way to do enough fast enough. You had Martin Luther King wondering whether the message is strong enough
  • think he really meant it. I remember his voice quavering a little as he said it, and it took a lot of courage to say it because of all the overtones of Martin Luther King and everything else that was behind that in the whole movement in the South. I
  • Hesburgh, Theodore Martin, 1917-2015
  • Humphrey and Reuther were talking to Martin Luther King and the Freedom people. Reuther told me what the offer was. That's how I learned what the offer was going to be when Fritz Mondale reported to the Committee. Walter told me what it was. and I
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • . Martin Luther King; Henry, Moses; Humphrey’s interest in the 1968 Presidency; LBJ’s decision on whether or not to run for re-election in 1968.
  • anything, but he told me. And said among Roy Wilkins, Martin Luther King, and Whitney Young and James Farmer; he said that Roy Wilkins was his favorite. G: Did you meet those civil rights leaders when they came to the White House? W: Yes. He sent me
  • on for years in his voice. First of all, I and many other people fought--and we fought, I'll have to say, and I'll say this frankly for history--that Martin Luther King, after he had agreed to come out for the first time against the war in Vietnam and take part
  • , and then the conversation, I remember, turned to Martin Luther King. It turned to what one has to do in this country to be a leader, the principle of leadership, the qualities of a leader--leader of a movement, leader of a party. The President I know went on at some length
  • The Sequoia; LBJ's assessment of Nixon; LBJ's comments on Martin Luther King; working on a tax surcharge speech on the Sequoia; staff members wanting access to the Sequoia for personal use; Camp David; visiting the Ranch; LBJ's office at the Ranch
  • for publication in 1993. Bryan H. Barrows III, a teacher at Del Mar College in Corpus Christi, brought to the Library his one-man show on Martin Luther King, Jr., in which he portrays a man telling the story of the civil rights leader's life. Mr. Barrows gave his
  • and an eloquent spokesperson for the President's programs. photo by Robert Knudsen photo by Robert Knudsen 8 Johnson called 1968 "a nightmare year,' and the exhibit recalls some of its agonies-the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, the assassination of Martin Luther
  • before us that is tearing at the heart of America exists in spite of the remarkable progress Black Americans have made in the last generation, since Martin Luther King swept Amerka up in his dream, and President Johnson spoke so powerfully for the dignity
  • of the times: "Young people don't know who Martin Luther King is, or John Kennedy. They do know who John Kennedy, Jr. is because they've seen his picture: he's the hunk on the skates.'' (The tragic loss of John Kennedy, Jr., or course, was then still
  • of rare talent, eloquence, education, and commitment to public service. He also happens to be black. The Democratic Party will nominate him on the day another man of rare talent, education, eloquence and commitment to public ser­ vice, Martin Luther King
  • figure that he was. He crune into public life as [Joseph] McCarthy's counsel and then he was [John] McClellan's counsel and then he tapped Martin Luther King's telephone wire. I said, "Piss on Mennen Williams." He said, "You know they'll embarrass you
  • I'm not so sure that there was any concerted effort by the clergy and so on. You had Martin Luther King and the March on Washington. You had the black clergy involved in that and so on and so forth, and certainly that had its mark on the times. But I'm
  • than a casual interest in this? C: What happened was, in June of 1963 I led the first freedom march with Martin Luther King here in Detroit. big freedom march in the fall of 1963. was still alive there. That was prior to the Of course President
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • To begin the Library's obser­ vation of Black History Month and the African-American art exhibit, Bryan Barrows, a teacher of communications at Prairie View A&M University, brought to the LBJ Auditorium his one-man play, "Who Was Martin Luther King
  • leadership away from Martin Luther King. When he succeeded in doing that, King went out the next day and led a march over the bridge and beyond the line that Judge Johnson had said they could not transgress within the limits of the court order. King called us
  • Luther King's assassination? M: No, we certainly did not anticipate that. We anticipated problems because the Poor People's Campaign had been announced, but that wasn't scheduled for another several weeks. What happened after the Dr. King killing
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
  • understand. The reason Abernathy does not move into that camp is that we're afraid he'll be assassinated, too." That's the kind of unity that they had, and that made it very difficult. I feel that if Martin Luther King had lived, things would have gone
  • York Puerto Ricans on the grounds of the Washington Monument; SCLC lawyers Frank Reeves and Leroy Clarke; Coretta Scott King; Walter Washington's response to Martin Luther King's death; Ramsey Clark, Stephen Pollak, Fred Vinson, Jr., Matthew Nimetz
  • in the Cabinet Room. This was a meeting on the morning after Dr. [Martin Luther] King's assassination, to which the President had invited maybe ten or fifteen Negro leaders. The purpose of the meeting, I think, was to discuss with them what they saw as the likely
  • McGiffert's career from 1953 to 1965; how McGiffert got into government work and promotion opportunities under Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara; meetings with LBJ, including one after the assassination of Martin Luther King; McGiffert's contact
  • "; James Ralph, "Northern Protest: Mantin Luther King, Jr., Chicago, and the Civil Rights Move­ ment"; Brian Ripley, "Group Proc­ esses and Foreign Policy Decision Making in the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations";. Adrian W. Schertz, ''Kennedy's
  • civil rights leaders, play in this planning session? F: Well, in a sense, to start with the negative of that, the other no-person at the conference was Martin Luther King, Jr. Martin was in very bad odor with the President at that time, because of his
  • groups; Martin Luther King Jr.'s lack of involvement in the conference; A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin's alternate "freedom" budget; involvement of major civil rights organizations and leaders in the conference; recommendations that came out
  • of the situation, political and military, of the Vietnamese after Tet, how they had reacted and what measures they had taken to reform and speed up the training process. That was a time when Washington was under curfew. You remember the riots, Martin Luther King
  • , some minimal involvement by what we called Slick, the Southern Christian Leadership [Conference]. That was a tease way of talking about Martin Luther King's organization. Their organization hated it and that's what we called them. But those four groups
  • , memo from O'Brien to LBJ regarding the Democratic National Committee's efforts and COPE's voter registration program; Louis Martin distributing funds to a get-out-the-vote program aimed at minorities and secrecy surrounding this project; Louis Martin's
  • . U: Let me go back to the events at the end of the Johnson administration, just to get your reflections on a couple of things. 1968 was called by Lyndon Johnson "the nightmare year." Of course, we had the assassinations of Martin Luther King
  • of the army when we had the March on Washington with [Martin Luther] King and I don't have a sense of planting FBI agents, planting army intelligence people, getting nuns and priests to get into the march to keep it peaceful. My real sense, which we talked
  • . C: He did, which is a great idea. Classic Johnson move. Have you got it? Fogarty had just died. He had just died and he was very big in our health programs. Martin Luther King reacted, and made some public statement or something on the wire in which
  • policy had to do with the failure to bite the bullet. You were trying to achieve an objective without the commitment. G: Martin Luther King became more active in opposition to the war. O: That certainly was a contributing factor to the escalation
  • to Martin Luther King, Jr.'s anti-Vietnam movement; LBJ's dedication to civil rights; LBJ's request that O'Brien go to South Vietnam to organize their election; Birch Bayh's opposition to Rutherford Poats' nomination as deputy administrator of the Agency
  • to the Johnson Administration. It didn't happen that he picked people who were loyal. All the leaders in the movement were loyal except Martin [Luther King], who was off on a tangent about the Vietnam War, but he was able to be lassoed in because of his respect
  • witness a talk between him and Martin Luther King? J: I didn't personally, no. F: Did he ever talk to you about his relationship with King? 9 LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral
  • that Martin Luther King had been assassinated. You know, it struck a terrible note. The dinner was immediately adjourned. The President, of course, never came. I rushed back to the White House and there were four or five of us with the 8 LBJ Presidential
  • ; negotiations with Israel over Phanton jets; Russian relations; rioting and the aftermath of Martin Luther King’s assassination; the possibility of a presidential draft; Chicago Mayor Richard Daley; neutrality among LBJ’s staff members; Humphrey’s campaign
  • , as I called him. G: What did they talk about when they were together? N: State of the nation. State of the economy. Ed Weisl always used to be like a--well, we called him Eddie the Wise because he was like a patriarch adviser to the kings
  • . G: Were you involved in any of the activities in the wake of Martin Luther King's assassination? O: No. G: Where were you at the time you learned the news? O: I had to be in Washington. That was April 4. That was prior to my resignation